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A Study of Semantic Shift in Laudatory And Derogatory Terms in Underground Slang
An Examination of Identity/Opposition Termsby James H. Vandergriff
January, 1971
In his book, The Trial (Ramparts, July, 1970, p. 23), Tom Hayden devotes about 1100 words to the "rhetoric of the Left." Though he wrote few words about the language of the underground, Hayden’s insight into the development of a rhetoric of the New Left was sufficient to initiate this paper. He said,
When "love" is used in advertising, "peace" in foreign policy, "freedom" in private enterprise, then these words have been stolen from their humanist origins, and new words become vital for the identity of people seeking to remake themselves and society.
. . . . . . .
New language becomes a weapon of the movement because it is mysterious, threatening to conventional power.
. . . . . . .
But one of the first tasks of those creating a new society is that of creating a new and distinct identity. This identity cannot be fully conscious at first, but as a movement grows, through years or generations, it contains its own body of experience, its styles and habits, and a common language becomes part of the new identity. The old language is depleted. In order to dream, to invoke anger or love, new language becomes necessary (Hayden, p. 23).
Thus Hayden equates the language of the New Left with its efforts to create a new society. Implicit in his argument is the idea that the new language may come about naturally, or may be created consciously.
As an example or how the new language naturally grows, Hayden offers the following comment earlier in his book.
It is police strategy and tactics, not the rhetoric and appearance of agitators, which determine how an unorganized crowd will behave. We did not come to Chicago with the term "pig" in our vocabulary, and we never could have imagined beforehand the slogan "The streets belong to the people." But those words made sense in the situation that was created by the police (Hayden, p. 17).
And to illustrate the converse Hayden says, "[n]ew language becomes a weapon of the movement because it is mysterious, threatening to conventional power: ‘We're gonna off the pig’; ‘We're gonna freak the delegates’" (Hayden, p. 23).
From the above may be drawn the following conclusions. Language is employed by the New Left as a weapon against the more conventional society. This language is sometimes consciously created as a social and political alternative to the language of the society-at-large, and at other times is a spontaneous outgrowth of situation. In none of these respects does the language of the underground movement differ from natural language growth. However, the language does differ from the accepted varieties of American English; not so much in syntax or phonology, but in semantic content of the vocabulary.
This paper will be an attempt to trace through the underground newspapers of the Kansas City area evidences of semantic shift in pejorative and laudatory words in the jargon of the self-styled street people. It will be concerned with terms used by the street people to name themselves, and to name the conventional society; that is, terms which fall into the Identity/Opposition field. This study will include papers printed by various groups, with the primary criteria being (1) that the papers are recognized and accepted organs of the group being studied, (2) that the words be pejorative or laudatory in current usage by the group being studied, (3) that the words have a current meaning outside the group, (4) and that the terms fit in the Identity/Opposition category.
The Kansas City area is defined, for the purposes of this paper, to include the Kansas City, Kansas; Kansas City, Missouri; and Lawrence, Kansas areas. There are two primary reasons for using these three geographic areas as one. First, the areas are quite closely related in the content of their underground populations. Both draw members from the same general geographic areas: that is, from Eastern Kansas, Western Missouri, Southeastern Nebraska and Southwestern Iowa. Secondly, there is a continual interchange of populations between the three areas. A third, but less important, reason is that the underground newspapers consider the three areas as equally important for coverage.
Because there is a large element of black militance in the Kansas City area underground, the possibility of using actual conversation as the basis of study is largely precluded. The militant blacks are hostile and uncooperative toward whites who are not an accepted part of a recognized circle. The underground culture as a whole is wary of, or uncooperative with, outsiders. Though it is usually possible to find enough cooperation to verify definitions, because the underground is in many facets unlawful, and therefore suspicious, prolonged recordings or transcriptions of actual conversation is not feasible. Therefore, this paper must proceed largely on the basis of material printed by and for the underground.
Many of the words used are familiar to the general public, others are words taken from the argot of the underworld, others are a product of black slang, and still others are innovations of the revolutionary underground itself. This paper will not concentrate on the origin of the words, except so far as is necessary to validate the semantic shift. The procedure used in this paper will be to cite as many representative uses of a given word as possible, then to arrive at a definition, or definitions. The next step will be to give the current usage of the word in the Standard American English. The last step will be to determine the kind of shift the word has undergone. The final section of the paper will be an attempt to arrive at a general theory of semantic shift in the rhetoric of the revolutionary underground.
For the purposes of this paper, "the underground" is defined as the various groups and individuals who desire to bring about radical, immediate change of direction in the social, political, economic, or spiritual orientation of the United States, whether by lawful or unlawful, violent or non-violent means. It includes such groups as Gay, Women, Black and Student Liberation, the Sons of Malcolm, the various hippie tribes, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Youth International Party (YIP), The White Panthers, and various other groups in the so-called Great Subculture. The members of this loosely cohesive group are primarily young, usually migratory, often of the political left, and almost invariably anti-Vietnam.
The papers to be used as sources include The Sons of Malcolm, a revolution-oriented paper printed by The Sons of Malcolm, a splinter group of the Black Panthers; The Collective, published at 3338 Highland in Kansas City; The Good News, published at 4415 Harrison, Kansas City, Missouri; King Harvest Review, published at Lawrence, Kansas; Westport Trucker: Kosmic City, Mo., published in Kansas City, Missouri; and Vortex, published in Lawrence, Kansas. All of these are "underground" papers, and are directed to the youths who comprise "The Movement."
It is perhaps appropriate to begin this analysis with the word "movement." "The aim is to continue broadening the movement, not to narrow it by imposing irrelevant requirements upon those who would join us. Only through a united effort can we build a movement powerful enough to secure students’ rights."1 The above excerpt is from a Student Mobilization Committee statement of aims and principles advertising a conference on war, draft and students’ rights. In this context the word refers to the groups and organizations concerned with any aspect of civil liberties, grouping them all together under one name: The Movement.
"It is my fault as well as what few movement people there are in Kansas City’s fault to even make statements like the above [negative statements concerning Arnold Stead’s mental stability]."2 The "movement people" referred to above are the radical element in the Kansas City underground who are seeking to create a violent revolution in the U.S., and who were largely responsible for the numerous bombings in that area during the fall of 1970. As is evident from the quotation, the term is used in a laudatory sense. It signifies, then, those people who are supporters of a violent revolution. The word "movement," in this context, may be defined as "supporting, actively or passively, violent revolution and terrorist activity in the U.S." A later comment in the same article affirms the above definition. "Kansas City’s movement at the time (Spring 1969) needed someone who would tell it like it is. Arnold fit that role fine."3
The definition that may be extracted from the above is as follows: "the generic name given to the various groups and organizations working separately or together toward the general goal of the restoration and preservation of civil liberties." The term may be used so generally as to include all the various groups who comprise the "alternate culture," regardless of orientation, be it drug-legalization, women's liberation, homosexual liberation, black liberation, revolution, academic freedom, fair-labor practices, peace, etc. It is, however, applied only to causes supported by the New Left and other left-oriented groups, such as the liberal Democrats of the post-Kennedy era.
Webster’s Third New International Dictionary defines "movement" as "a series of concerted organized activities or related events working toward or shaping some objective."4 It is, furthermore, a secondary meaning.
The underground definition, then, appears to differ from the received definition in two particulars. First, the definition given above is the primary meaning of the term. And, secondly, the term is more general in application. Thus the underground usage seems to be an expansion in meaning. It does not require that the activities be either organized or in series. However, the qualification that activities be "organized" in fact restricts the meaning. Thus the definition must be expanded somewhat: "The generic name applied to the various groups and organizations working, separately or in coalition, toward the general goal of the restoration and preservation of civil liberties as defined by the movement itself." And, therefore, the underground definition is a specialization of the standard definition.
To confirm the above definition, the author questioned members of the movement concerning the meaning of the term. One respondent said, "It covers anything that gives the power back to the people, like welfare rights and gay lib." His response to further questioning concerning whether violence was an acceptable method of attaining the goals was affirmative. He was then asked whether such groups as State’s Rights people were included in the definition he had given. This time his response was negative, but with qualification. He said "any group really working to give the power to the people is included, but not the ones that are trying to put down the blacks and Chicanos, like Wallace and Maddox, or the ones that are into it just to change power structures, like the A.C.P. [American Communist Party] and that kind of people."5
A second word which is current in the underground is "pig." This word, with its variations, is well-known to members of the underground and to non-members alike. The present meaning of the word apparently surfaced during, or shortly before, the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago. Perhaps due to nation-wide radio, television, and newspaper coverage, the word gained immediate acceptance in, and popularity with, the underground. Every underground newspaper from coast to coast uses it, with variations, in almost every issue. For example, the Los Angeles Free Press has the following sentence on page two of the September 25, 1970 issue. "He had talked with his friends in the FBI and city pig force. . .." The San Francisco Good Times had this, and many other, sentences using "pig:" "The pigs sporting helmets and cameras refused to let a number of assigned speakers into the meeting. . .."6 From The Movement, a Chicago Students for a Democratic Society paper, the following was extracted: "People who come to Chicago will be best off if they come prepared--not because the pigs definitely will attack, but because they can attack; not because you definitely will get hurt, but because you can get hurt."7 And, to complete the coast-to-coast examples, this usage was found in the New York based Changes: "The pig asked me for my identification."8
All the examples cited above indicate that the term "pig" is part of the basic vocabulary (if such exists) of the underground. It also indicates some unity between the various groups. As could be expected, the Kansas City underground newspapers are replete with the term. The caption under a picture in The Sons of Malcolm (May 5,1970, p. 3) reads: "These pigs were ordered to block the entrance to the Kansas City Public Library" (Italics mine). The picture is of a riot-equipped police squad blocking the entrance to the Kansas City Public Library. The context leaves no doubt that "pig," then, refers to the police, nor does the following sentences. "Next came the former pig (police) [sic] academy structure at 41st and Indiana." "When examined by the pig (police) [sic] metro squad and pig bomb experts, it was found to contain eleven sticks [of dynamite]!" "The people have these foolish pigs [State police] scared to sleep at night and Chief [sic] Kelly too, is losing sleep."9 "During the course of your fight for liberation, you are subject to an almost certain event of a bust (arrest) [sic] by the fascist pig (policeman) [sic]!"10 There are numerous other occurrences of this same word in this paper, but the above contain the essentials of the meaning. A "pig" is any member of federal, state or local law enforcement agency. The term is derogatory, as evidenced by emotive words which characterize the police derisively (foolish), and/or as instruments of repression (fascist) and of terror (KU KLUX KLAN).
The underground usage was taken over, apparently, from the tertiary meaning of the word. Webster defines pig as "3: one thought to resemble or suggest a pig in habits or behavior (as in dirtiness, greediness, selfishness)."11 However, the word has, for a number of years, had a decidedly derogatory connotation, as is evidenced by "pigboat," the derisive term used by sailors to refer to submarines12 and by the fifth-level meaning, "10 slang: an immoral woman" (Webster's p. 1713). This use draws its emotive value from the hostile and unkempt look of a pig, and from the association between the corpulence of the animal and that of some policemen, as evidenced by the attached cartoon (see Appendix 1). As Eugene Goodheart noted in a recent article on revolutionary rhetoric, "The purpose of ‘violent political rhetoric’. . . Is to create the effect of violence [sic] in language. A man who is called ‘pig’ is supposed to feel the cruelty of the insult in his gut."13 There is, furthermore, the possibility of influence from the Communist/Socialist use of the word (i.e., Capitalist pig) for propaganda purposes. This possibility is borne out to some extent by the prevalence of communistic and socialistic ideology in the political underground.
The underground usage of the term evidences an example of what Stern calls Intentional Transfer (Metaphor).14 That is, the speaker perceives an association between the animal (pig) and the man (policemen), and uses the term to present his feelings toward the man. The process involved is that of specialization. The term "pig" has none of its previous meanings, but has gained another.
Since its inception this particular usage has become one of the most commonly used words in the underground lexicon. This is evidenced by the fact that the term, originally used in the underground jargon as a noun, is beginning to do service as an adjective, which Stern labels an analogical change (Stern, pp. 199-235). The change seems to be through a noun-noun to adjective-noun process. Thus in such phrases as "Pig Amerika" [sic] the structure seems to be noun-noun. However in the following sentence the structure seems to be adjective-noun, with the term "pig" serving to differentiate that type of oppression from "administrative oppression."15 "[I]t is black people who are receiving the hardest administrative and pig oppression."15 Further evidence of the widespread applicability of the word may be seen in the fact that it is used as a derogatory term for anyone who is not a part of the "people," or the movement. "[T]he [R]ock [C]halk [a
bar], like everyplace else, is pig city. [R]emember that. [T]he pigs are selling dope now and begging for spare change."16 The primary meaning of the term in the underground jargon, however, is still that of a law enforcement officer.
To confirm the above analysis of the term, residents of the Kansas City, Missouri, Westport area were asked what the term pig meant to them. One respondent answered, "The pig’s the Man, the cops. But all cops aren’t pigs--just the ones that come down too strong." This young man, who cooperated with everything but his name, claims to be one of the Mother Earth Tribe. Another respondent defined pig simply as "the oppressor."17 Further efforts at his definition of oppressor yielded nothing of value.
Another word current in the underground lexicon is "people." This word, like the others dealt with above, involves a specialization of meaning. And, perhaps more so than any of the others, this word shows its political roots. It is decidedly laudatory and in general refers to all or any of the various kinds of human beings referred to in relation to the movement. It corresponds in meaning to the received definition of the word, but its primary denotation is listed by Webster as a secondary meaning. Webster's secondary definition of people is:
2a people p1: human beings making up a group or assembly: persons linked by a common factor: as (1): the members of a geographically distinct community (2): persons who share in common a point of origin or residence. . . the members of a caste, class, or isolable or identifiable group (5): persons sharing a common occupation or interest (Webster's, p. 1673)
" The Festival opened on Wednesday, free to the people and with free beer, free grass, free LSD, and fine music."18 The term here refers, essentially, to those persons who frequent rock festivals, drink beer, smoke marijuana, drop LSD, and like rock music.
More people were sooner in the streets. . . . People were trying to sleep in the parks, in yards, doorways, and halls. 1969 looked like it was going to produce a bumper crop of young wanderers. Everyone willing to take people in was already putting up with as much as he could bear. The City of Berkeley was already clearing the streets and parks at midnight of
people.
A People’s Park. [P]eople started to work in the afternoon, and by night the park was there. People brought flowers and trees and grass, and planted them wherever they were inspired to.19
This excerpt from an article about the Berkeley riots in 1969 contains several elements which are included in the underground definition of "people." First, the people are young. They are wanderers, they work together spontaneously, and they like beautiful things. All these things are part of the self-image of the "people" and serve to contrast "the people" with "the pigs."
As was mentioned earlier (see p. 12), in the more common meaning of "pig" there is some possibility of influence from socialist ideology. In the ideological jargon of the socialist states, "people" is one of the most common laudatory terms (Webster's, p. 1673). Thus, North Korea, North Vietnam, Communist China, Cuba and many other socialist states call themselves people's republics. Likewise, in the underground lexicon "people" includes the connotation of opposition to non-democratic governments. What is considered the opposite of "the people" seems to be anything repressive, conservative, regulated, or programmed, and is generally referred to in vague terms such as "the establishment," "the silent majority," "the Man," and "the system."
As this usage, and the communal social structure, suggests, the movement has its theoretical roots in Nineteenth Century Romanticism and its political roots in Marxism, which lends some credence to the possibility of socialist influence in the lexicon. The underground movement is also closely related to the Populist movement of the late Nineteenth Century. Like the Populists, the underground movement purports to be a popular one designed to save the people of the world from capitalistic, militaristic exploitation by the ruling classes. And it also claims to be an agrarian movement, aligning itself with the farmer, the poor and, in general, with the working classes. Perhaps as a consequence, the underground lexicon is replete with terms reminiscent of the Populist movement.
The secondary meaning of "people," which is Webster's fourth-level, is
c usu cap: the common people of a country as distinguished from a privileged minority--used esp. by Communists to distinguish Communists or those under Communist control from other people (Webster's, p. 1673).
The primary difference in the underground definition and the received definition is that of who constitutes the mass and who the special class. As indicated above, "the people" is associated with a concept of grass-roots democracy, which is manifested by its identification both with the racial and sexual minority groups and with the working class. Apparently, then, the underground sees itself as representative of the mass of the community. Thus, the meaning of the word is not changed substantially; the referent is merely altered to exclude the "ruling class" of this country.
The primary definition of people in the underground slang is: those human beings who make up the movement. The secondary definition is: the mass of the community, as determined by the movement. The term is highly flexible and may include or exclude groups at the speaker’s will. Despite qualifications, however, the basic definitions remain stable.
For oral confirmation of this term, the first respondent was again resorted to. His response this time was "the people are the ones that are put down by the system: the workers, the blacks, the welfare mothers and that kind of people. Everybody that’s into social action. Damn near everybody but Spiro [SpaÍrÔ]"20 The value of this definition is somewhat equivocable because of the generality of the terms. However, it does indicate the broad area covered by it, and the general area excluded from it [Spiro = Repressive elements in the society. The term is the first name of Richard Nixon’s vice-president, Spiro Agnew, who was much hated by the New Left].
The above shifts have all been examples of specialization of meaning. All are terms which are common and current in standard American English, but which, through specialization of meaning, have a primary meaning in underground slang which is different from the primary meaning in Standard English.
Along with these terms there are many which have undergone a process of widening in meaning. Though extension of meaning is less common than restriction,21 there are several examples of this kind of change in the underground pejorative and laudatory terms.
One of the most common laudatory terms which has undergone a widening process in the underground is "freak." Webster defines this term as
36: something markedly abnormal mentally or physically esp. to the point of shocking usual expectations; esp: one with a physical oddity who appears in a circus sideshow or similar exhibition,
and as
adj: having the character of a freak: diverging from what is natural or normal (Webster's, p. 904).
The following examples will indicate, first, that the underground usage is laudatory, and, second, that the term has undergone a sense extension. "The police originally entered the park looking for a freak who they suspected of ripping off a red/black Pontiac."22 "A few months ago hemppickers & coors freaks layed in the hot sun talkin’ about the bumper crop & how they’d like to split to a little cosmic action."23 "Farmers have long been the real freaques [variant spelling] of the world, holding on to the land and working it the way it is supposed to be done."24 "[L]ee, believe it or not, continued to be hassled [by] men of various groups in [T]he [C]halk; freaks, bikers, and straights."25 "The Rat Castle has housed many a Kansas City freak, including Janis Joplin who was sheltered under it’s notorious roof."26 "In the movement itself women are coming from all different points--freak, housewife, student, conservative, liberal, radical."27 "Secondly, this area is hippie-haven--the territory of the people--there is a continuously growing community of freaks and radicals, which threatens the very existence of the university as an oppressive institution."28
From the above quotations it is apparent that "freak" is perceived as a social grouping equivalent to, and on an equal standing with, housewives and students; bikers (motorcycle-gang members) and straights (typical citizens); conservatives, liberals and radicals. Freaks are, in essence, all the people who are not members of some other social category. They are hemp-pickers, hippies, dope-users, and, generally speaking, the people, as defined above. Because they are contrasted to the straight society, and because they are "the people," freaks are viewed positively by the underground. Consequently, "freak" is a laudatory term.
Freaks are, as shown above, a general social group. The freak element is made up of diverse kinds of people. Consequently, the term has a much wider meaning than Webster’s gives it. In fact, the underground usage is so broad that the term can only be defined in terms of the underground itself. A "freak" is, then, any member of the movement (defined above). It has the implication, however, of one who is totally immersed in the movement.
Verification of the above term was obtained from two members of the Kansas City underground. The first defined "freak" as "somebody who’s got his head together; somebody who’s into dope and good vibes. You know, like somebody who can dig tribal living and rock festivals and can keep it together too."29 Probably a fairly close translation of the foregoing would come out as: someone completely immersed in the subculture. The second definition bears out the above: "a freak is anybody that does his thing no matter what comes down as a result of it."30
The term freak, as defined above, has apparently, however, undergone a widening even within the underground slang. It is still occasionally seen in its earlier application. "Dealers [,] try not to front dope to needle freaks."31 [Narcotic sellers, try to avoid selling narcotics to hard drug users.] This sentence occurred in an article attempting to persuade "the people" not to use hard drugs. In this context "freak" means simply "drug user" and is derogatorily qualified by "needle [a hypodermic syringe]. This writer has personally heard drug users referred to in a derogatory tone as "speed freaks [amphetamine user]. However, from the relative rarity of the construction, the older usage seems to be passing out of currency.
Another term which has undergone an extension of meaning and at the same time changed from a derogatory to a laudatory term is "conspiracy." Webster defines it as
12a: an illegal, treasonable, or treacherous plan to harm or destroy another person, group or entity.
lb: an agreement manifesting itself in words or deeds and made by two or more persons confederating to do an unlawful act or use unlawful means to do an act which is lawful.
2: a combination of persons banded secretly together and resolved to accomplish an evil or unlawful end.
3: a striking concurrence of tendencies, circumstances, or phenomena as though in planned accord (Webster’s, p. 485).
The primary meaning of "conspire" is
vi. 1: to make an argument with a group and in secret to do some act (as to commit treason or a crime or carry out a treacherous deed): plot together.
2: to concur or word to one end: act in harmony (Webster’s, p. 485).
Though the word does have a positive connotation in certain contexts, the more general use is negative, as in the numerous recent trials for conspiracy to incite to riot. On this particular connotation the underground usage is modeled. The following is indicative of current underground usage:
to combat inflationary food prices & begin to educate ourselves to what is [bad] food & what is good food, the Food Conspiracy was started this summer. The Food Conspiracy, by bringing large numbers of people together, is able to eliminate the worst capitalist middleman--the retail grocer. Whenever possible, the Food Conspiracy deals directly with the farmer--for political as well as economic reasons.
. . . . . . .
Even when it is not possible to deal directly, as with canned or packaged goods, the Food Conspiracy is still able to buy in bulk quantities at low prices from wholesale outlets here or in KC.32
The term is used in such a way that it seems to indicate an illegal activity, while in fact it means something to the effect of "cooperative." But, because of the anti-establishment connotation, conspiracy seems to be
a more appropriate choice.
Thus, in the underground usage, the term "conspiracy" means something to the effect of "a co-operative enterprise, with special reference to underground enterprise."
Apparently the term is used only in conjunction with "Food," and in reference to groups such as "The Chicago Seven," who are alternately called the "Chicago Conspiracy. And only ln the former does the term indicate a widening. In both instances, however, the word is laudatory. As in the former, being engaged in a communal or cooperative activity is praiseworthy. Likewise, any '"revolutionary" or anti-establishment activity, such as conspiracy, is praiseworthy.
Some words in the underground seem to have undergone no meaning shift, except that from derogatory to laudatory. Two examples of these are "revolution" and "establishment."
"The revolution," in the underground rhetoric, is to a large extent synonymous with "the movement." Both words refer to the same somewhat nebulous future state to be brought about by the actions of the people. "The revolution," however, is generally used to refer to a violent change, whereas "movement" may refer either to violent or peaceful change. It should be noted, however, that in most cases the terms are used as absolute synonyms. It should also be noted that, though it is in general use in the underground, "revolution" is most often used by the politically-oriented groups, such as Students for a Democratic Society and Sons of Malcolm.
The following appeared in The Good News: "The revolution going on in this country is a spiritual revolution, and many of our young people who were raised with peace and freedom, unenturbulated by violence, have gone beyond fear and anger or even an ability to be motivated by these emotions into ‘fighting for peace.’"33 This quotation indicates that, at least in the minds of the "people," there is a revolution underway. Furthermore, it attempts to define the revolution as a spiritual one. However, the following excerpt from The Sons of Malcolm gives a somewhat different interpretation of the term. "There are certain words that are used by persons who employ what we shall hereafter call the language of the revolution."34 This statement not only presupposes the existence of a revolution, but also offers a definition: "REVOLUTION: change, complete changed [sic] economic, social, and political systems."35
The above definition seems more nearly to define the goals of the revolution than it does to define the revolution itself. However, it is indicative of the language consciousness within the revolution, and, again, indicates the belief that a revolution is underway. Other usages permit a better analysis of meaning.
So, we as revolutionaries, extend our hand to our courageous sisters, who have withstood untold centuries of oppression, and ask them from the depths of our hearts to Join us as equals and as comrades-in-arms in the socialist revolution and the noble struggle for black liberation.
. . . . . . .
The revolutionist [sic], whether it be man or woman, must divert himself or herself from all forms of bourgeois sentimentilism [sic] .
. . . . . . .
But, we do not promise anyone that revolution is a Sunday picnic!36
In the above, revolution is equated with socialism and black liberation. In the following it is seen as the only path to freedom. "Tony Collier, ex-political prisoner, realizes that REVOLUTION is the only means of gaining FREEDOM.37 It is also seen as a total life style: "Revolution [my italics] is not just a battle in the streets!, it is a steady learning process [sic]"38 "Brother Malcolm X realized that a true revolutionary will give all he can, including life itself, in the name of the revolution and liberation of all poor, oppressed people."39 And it is seen as an end in itself: "Creating political awareness in ourselves & our people is the most pressing task we have, for the kind of revolution we make depends on how clearly we understand our own oppression, how the pig rips off our lives."40 It is seen, in the foregoing, as a process underway which must be guided, but which, even without guidance, will continue.
Webster's definition of revolution fits the underground usage:
2a: alteration or change in some matter or respect: as a: a sudden, radical, or complete change: a basic reorientation and reorganization, b: a fundamental change in political organization or in a government or constitution: the overthrow or renunciation of one government or ruler and the substitution of another by the governed (Webster’s, p. 1944).
The difference, then, in the underground and standard usage seems to lie only in the emotive value of the term. In the underground, as well as in standard, usage the revolution refers to a basic reorientation of the social system. The relative views of the system, then, give the term its connotative values. To the members of the underground the revolution is a positive thing and it is, therefore, a laudatory term. Conversely, in the established social structure revolution is, in most contexts (excluding such phrases as "the American Revolution"), negative and, therefore, derogatory.
Another term which has taken on an opposite emotive value while retaining its standard lexical meaning is "establishment." A facetious definition of the term perhaps gives the best insight into the underground usage: ". . .the Establishment (meaning everybody from the University and electric company to the musician’s union and the squirrels). . .."41 This definition indicates the nature of the establishment: it is comprised of everything that works against "the people." Another example which contains an essential ingredient of the definition follows. "Like all establishment media, these two papers [The Lawrence Journal World and the University Daily Kansan] are controlled by & serve the interests of the ruling elite."42 That the underground is opposed to the establishment may be seen in this excerpt from the Westport Trucker: "The Great Subculture has been attached in part to the official religions but is different in that it transmits a community style of life, with an ecstatically positive vision of spiritual and physical love; and is opposed for very fundamental reasons to the Civilization Establishment."43
The particular usages given above may be, then, brought together to yield the following definition: the social system in which everyone who is not a part of the revolution--the movement--is included; the conventional, or normal, or standard, social system; the ruling class. Thus it corresponds fairly well with Webster's secondary definition: "2: the act of establishing something or the state of being established: as a (1): the act of bringing into existence, creating, founding, originating, or setting up so that a certain continuance is assured; (2): the act of setting or achieving (as a record) b obs: a settled or stable condition: calm security c: the making of a church into an established church d: a permanent settled position (as in life or business)" (Webster’s, p. 778). Particularly b (though now obsolete in standard usage) and d are evident in the underground usage. Despite the fact that Webster’s lists b as obsolete, the term is too readily comprehensible to be considered an archaism.
Webster’s definitions are replete with terms, such as "laws," "organizations," "assured," and "permanent," which give them obvious positive connotations. Therefore, the term is laudatory in standard usage. Conversely, underground usage is in terms of "pigs," "oppression," etc., which gives it a negative, and therefore derogatory, connotation.
Though the above terms do not, by any stretch of the imagination, exhaust the underground lexicon, they illustrate, first, some of the classes of ideas which have been singled out for replacement of symbols, secondly, the types of semantic shift the words have undergone, and, finally, the degree of consciousness, or artificiality, in the creation of the "revolutionary" language. These particular words were chosen in their nominative forms simply for uniformity. Most of these also have adjectival counterparts, and some even are used as verbs (see Appendix 2 for derivatives).
From the information presented above, and from the appendices, the following generalizations may be made about the language of the underground. First, the types of semantic shift seem to follow the usual patterns of linguistic change. That is, "there is a tendency to restrict the sense of a term when it passes into a specialized sphere of activity"44 (thus, "pig," "movement"). And there is also a tendency to create what Ullmann calls "omnibus words,"45 evidenced by "freak" and "conspiracy." Thus, at least within the Identity/Opposition range, this study seems to indicate that underground slang may be included in Bloomfield’s statement that ". . .the general processes of change are the same in all languages."46 Secondly, most of the laudatory and pejorative terms which have undergone a semantic shift are terms related to the more important aspects of the underground society. Particularly subject to change are those terms which are the subjects of this study, terms which apply ln the Identity/Opposition frame of reference. These terms include communal living, drugs, revolution, and personal freedom, and serve, to an extent, to mark the aspects of life underground members consider most important. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, many of the sense changes, judging from the evidence at hand, seem to indicate a conscious effort by the street people to create a new lexicon. As was noted earlier, there is a decided effort to make new meanings known to members of the underground. Thus Tom Hayden, in The Trial, commented on the function of language in creating a new society.47 The Sons of Malcolm provided a dictionary of important terms.48 The Westport Trucker devoted a column to the meaning of "tribe."49 And an article in Vortex defined "establishment."50 Taken together, this seems to indicate a rather high degree of language consciousness in the underground.
In the way of a conclusion, then, it would seem that the underground language is as much a part of the "revolution" as the people themselves. It is, to a large extent, a propaganda tool, as is evidenced by the heavy reliance on socialistic and communistic terminology, and by the concerted efforts to teach "proper" terminology to "the people." It is, perhaps, fitting to end with the excerpt from The Trial quoted in part earlier:
The language of the establishment is mutilated by hypocrisy when "love" is used in advertising, "peace" in foreign policy, "freedom" in private enterprise, then these words have been stolen from their humanist origins, and new words become vital for the identity of people seeking to remake themselves and society. Negroes become "black," blacks become "Panthers," the oppressors become "pigs." Often the only words with emotional content are those which cannot be spoken or published ln the "legitimate" world: [obscenities]. New words are needed to express feelings: right on, cool, outta sight, freaky. New language becomes a weapon of the movement because it is mysterious, threatening to conventional power: "We’re gonna off the pig"; "We’re gonna freak the delegates."
Clearly, some rhetoric of the Left is wooden, inflated, irrelevant; crippling to the mind and an obstacle to communication. If we were interested in mild improvements to the system, perhaps we would use the prevailing language of the system. But one of the first tasks of those creating a new society is that of creating a new and distinct identity. This identity cannot be fully conscious at first, but as a movement grows, through years or generations, it contains its own body of experience, its styles and habits, and a common language becomes part of the new identity. The old language is depleted. In order to dream, to invoke anger or love, new language becomes necessary (Hayden, p. 23).
Notes
1 "Is Your High School a Prison?," The Collective, 16 September--1 October, 1970, p. 3, Col. 1. Italics mine.
2 "Down in the Basement," Vortex, September 16--September 29,1970, p. 8, Col.1. Italics mine.
3 Ibid. Italics mine.
4 Webster’s Third New International Dictionary (Springfield, Mass: G & C Merriam Co., 1961), p. 1480.
5 James Twining, at the time an intern in the U.M.K.C. Teacher’s Corps, in personal conversation.
6 "Whirly Pig," San Francisco Good Times (February 23, 1970), p. 5, col. 2. Italics mine.
7 Kathy Boudin and Terry Robbins, "Bring The War Home," The Movement (September, 1969), p. 15, col. 3. Italics mine.
8 Lise James, "Letter To Editor," Changes (October 1, 1970), p. 2, col. 2. Italics mine.
9 Che [John Kimes], "Bombings," Sons of Malcolm (May 5,1970), p. 5, col. 2. Italics mine.
10 "Choice of Freedom," Sons of Malcolm (May 5, 1970), p. 5, col. 2. Italics mine.
11 Webster’s, p. 1713.
12 Harold Wentworth and Stuart Berg Flexner, eds., Dictionary of American Slang (New York, 1967), p. 389.
13 Eugene Goodheart, "The Rhetoric of Violence," The Nation, April 6, 1970, p. 400.
14 Gustaf Stern, Meaning And Change of Meaning (Bloomington, Indiana; 1965), pp. 293-305.
15 "High Jinx," Vortex (September 16-29, 1970), p. 4, col. 2. Italics mine.
16 "F... off she said," Vortex (September 2-14,1970), p. 6, col. 2. Italics mine.
17 David Doyle, student and editor of Westport Trucker,
in personal conversation in Tiny Tim's Magic Circus, a head
shop in the Westport area of Kansas City, Mo.
18.Vortex (September 2-14, 1970), p. 3, col. I. Italics mine.
19.Al Guilford, "Remember Berkeley. . .Remember Kent," The Good News (May 22, 1970), p. 5, col. 2. Italics mine.
20. James Twining, personal conversation. The name [SpaÍrÔ] was uttered very sarcastically and intentionally mispronounced.
21.Stephen Ullmann, Semantics: An Introduction To The Science of Meaning (Oxford, 1967), p. 229.
22.The Westport Trucker: Kosmic City, Mo. (September, 1970), p. 3, col. 1. Italics mine.
23.Vortex (September 2-14, 1970), p. 2, col. 1. Italics mine.
24.Westport Trucker, p. 3, col. 3. Italics mine.
25"F. . . Off She Said," Vortex (September 2-14, 1970), p. 6, col. 2. Italics mine.
26.The Good News (May 22, 1970), p. 19, col. 2. Italics mine.
27. Vortex (September 2-14, 1970), p. 6, col. 2. Italics mine.
28. Vortex (September 2-14, 1970), p. 11, col. 1. Italics mine.
29.Neal Davies, Westport resident, in a sidewalk interview.
30.Earl Connally, Westport resident, in a sidewalk interview.
31. Vortex (September 2-14, 1970), p. 2, col. 1. Italics mine.
32. Vortex (September 2-14, 1970), p. 11, col. 3. Italics mine.
33.Cassandra, "There Is New Hope In The Rising Sun," The Good News (May 22, 1970), p. 2, col. 1. Italics mine.
34.Andre Weatherby, "Language of The Revolution," Sons of Malcolm (May 16, 1970), p. 5, col. 2. Italics mine.
35.Ibid.
36.Frank E. Chapman, Jr., "Prison Notes," Sons of Malcolm (May 16, 1970), p. 8, col. 1. Italics mine.
37.Ibid. Italics mine.
38.Brian O’Neal, "For The Youth," Sons of Malcolm (May 16, 1970), p. 10, col. 1. Italics mine.
39.Charlotte O'Neal, "Message To Students," Sons of Malcolm (May 16, 1970), p. 10, col. 3. Italics mine.
40. "Media," Vortex (September 2-14, 1970), p. 11, col. 3. Italics mine.
41.Vortex (September 2-14, 1970), p. 3, col. 1. Italics mine.
42."Livin’ In Lawrence," Vortex (September 2-14, 1970), p. 10, col. 1. Italics mine.
43.Gary Snyder, "Why Tribe," Westport Trucker (September, 1970), p. 5, col. 2. Italics mine.
44Stephen Ullmann, Words And Their Use (New York, 1951), p. 67.
45 Ullmann, Semantics, p. 230.
46 Leonard Bloomfield, Language (New York, 1933), p. 20.
47 Tom Hayden, "The Trial," Ramparts, July, 1970, p. 23.
48 Andre Weatherby, "Language of the Revolution," Sons of Malcolm, May 16, 1970, p. 5, col. 2.
49 Gary Snyder, "Why Tribe," The Westport Trucker, September, 1970, pp. 2 and 5.
50 Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p.3.
51 Sons of Malcolm, May 5, 1970, p. 2.
Bibliography
Informants
Connally, Earl, resident of Kansas City, Missouri, Westport district, in personal interview.
Davies, Neal, resident of Kansas City, Missouri, Westport district, in personal interview.
Doyle, David, student, and editor of Westport Trucker, in a personal interview in Kansas City, Missouri.
Twining, James, then an intern in the University of Missouri-Kansas City Teacher’s Corps.
Works Consulted
Boudin, Kathy, and Terry Robbins. "Bring The War Home." The Movement, September, 1969.
Bloomfield, Leonard. Language. New York, 1933.
Cassandra. "There Is Hope in The Rising Sun." The Good News, May 22, 1970.
Chapman, Frank E., Jr. "Prison Notes." Sons of Malcolm, May 16, 1970.
Che [John Kimes]. "Bombings." Sons of Malcolm, May 5, 1970.
"Choice of Freedom." Sons of Malcolm,May 5, 1970.
"City-wide High School Conference." The Collective, September 16--October 1, 1970.
"Dope Column." Vortex, September 2--September 14, 1970.
"Down in The Basement." Vortex, September 16--September 29, 1970.
"Fascism." Sons of Malcolm, May 5, 1970.
"Food." Vortex, September 2--September 14, 1970.
"F... off She Said." Vortex, September 16--September 29, 1970.
Goodheart, Eugene. "The Rhetoric of Violence." The Nation, April 6, 1570.
Guilford, Al. "Remember Berkeley...Remember Kent." The Good News, May 22, 1970.
Hayden, Tom. "The Trial." Ramparts, July, 1970.
"Hemp Picking." The Westport Trucker: Kosmic City Mo., September 2--September 14) 1970.
"High Jinx." Vortex, September 16--September 29, 1970.
"Housing." Vortex, September 2--September 14, 1970.
James, Lise. "Letter To Editor." Changes, October 1, 1970.
"Livin’ in Lawrence." Vortex, September 2--September 14, 1970.
"Media." Vortex, September 2--September 14, 1970.
"News in Brief." The Los Angeles Free Press, September 25--October 1, 1970.
O’Neal, Brian. "For the Youth." Sons of Malcolm, May 16, lg70.
O’Neal, Charlotte. "Message to Students." Sons of Malcolm, May 16, 1970.
Snyder, Gary. "Why Tribe." The Westport Trucker, September, 1970.
Stern, Gustaf. Meaning and Change of Meaning. Bloomington, Indiana, 1965.
Ullmann, Stephen. Semantics: An Introduction to the Science of Meaning. Oxford, 1967.
___ . Words And Their Use. New York, 1951.
Weatherby, Andre. "Language of the Revolution." Sons of Malcolm, May 16, 1970.
Wentworth, Harold, and Stuart Berg Flexner, eds. Dictionary of American Slang. New York, 1967.
"Whirly Pig." The San Francisco Good Times, February 13, 1970.
Appendix 1
The picture below illustrates the emotional value of the term "pig" in the underground slang.51
This unsigned sketch which appeared on page 18 of the September 16 -- October 1, 1970 issue of The Collective illustrates, to a certain degree, the self-image of the revolutionary movement, particularly those members inclined toward violence.
Appendix 2
This appendix will include terms and examples of usage from the underground lexicon of commonly used labels. No comments will be made concerning these terms, except where necessary to show the differences between usages.
Babylon: (America)
Many of us are confused about how we can stop Amerika. We must show Babylon that we are together, high, and ready to fight for our own survival (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 2, col. 1).
The following term applies to any male member of the underground. Brother:
We have received support from our brothers and sisters in various communities (The Collective, September 16--October 1, 1970, p. 2, col. 2).
Join with your brothers and sisters for radical films, rap sessions, and organizing (The Collective, p. 2, col. 1)
Capitalist:
These inhumane capitalists used religion to keep the black slave docile and naive (Sons of Malcolm, May 5, 1970, p. 10, col. 2).
Capitalistic:
Police brutality and capitalistic oppression are not really a white us. black phenomena (The Collective, September 16--October 1, 1970, p. 16, co1. 3).
Community;
Much [untruth] has been passed out to the susceptible [concerning the Lawrence hippie settlement]. If this [propaganda] contains an ounce of truth, then why is the community on Oread Avenue so beautiful, peaceful and happy? (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 2, col. 1).
Freak:
[T]he pig freaks out. In his terror at our power of growing together, he murdered one of us (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 4, col. 2).
Liberal: (laudatory)
Not until the civil rights movement when blacks started turning on young white liberals did it [marijuana] hit its upsurge. . . (Vortex, September 16-29, 1970, p. 2, col. 2).
Liberal: (derogatory)
It [the President's Commission on Campus Unrest] sucks off revolutionary energy by throwing in a liberal buffer. It drains our strength by creating suspicion and distrust (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 3, co1. 2).
It is interesting to note that while the two usages above are opposite in emotive content, neither corresponds to that of the political conservative; though the conservative’s usage is opposite to the first entry above, it is not similar to the second entry.
Oppressors:
They [the young male black] embody the pride of the race & are the largest source of trouble for their white oppressors (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 4, col. 2).
Pig:
The mechanical pigs of Kansas City, namely the Kansas City Transit Authority (KCTA), have raised the public bus fare from 30¢ to 35¢ to 50¢ just in the past two years! (Sons of Malcolm, May 5, 1970, p. 10, col. 3).
This usage differs from those quoted in my text in that it names a particular element of the conventional society other than law enforcement agents. The following four terms are examples of words derived from the primary underground meaning of "pig."
Piggishness:
In response to this piggishness of Lawrence property, the Lawrence Tenants Union has been formed (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 11, col. 1).
Pignapped:
In the last 6 months, over $500,000 has been paid in ransom [bail and fines] for our brothers & sisters in Lawrence & KC who have been pignapped (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 10, col. 2).
Porkers:
The porkers on the streets have a job to do--keep everyone in line for the people who run this country (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 11, col. 3).
Hog:
The hogs kept it shut off for half an hour, hoping the LLF [Lawrence Liberation Front] would give up and the people go home. . . (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 3, col. 1).
Power structure:
But still the power structure hadn’t revealed the extent they were willing to go to prevent the people from hearing free music (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 3, col. 1).
Power structure:
This incident let the power structure know in no uncertain terms, that black people have at least some powers of certainty--those being, the POWER TO DISRUPT, THE POWER TO DESTROY, THE POWER TO THROW A NIGGER WRENCH INTO THE MACHINERY (Sons of Malcolm, May 5, 1970, p. 3, col. 2).
Radical:
The result was that the white male radicals found themselves in the rather unusual (for them) position of being quite evidently in the minority (The Collective, September 16--October 1, lg70, p. 8, col. 2).
The nation-wide strike a week later demonstrated that the radical movement is now able to assert itself in all areas and reaches of the [country] (The Collective, September 16--October 1, 1970, p. 12, col. 1).
Radicalize:
There will probably be a trial in October that will further radicalize the students. . . (The Collective, September 16--October 1, 1970, p. 12, col. 3).
Revolutionary:
SISTERS AND BROTHERS, UNITE FOR SURVIVAL, RESIST AND CREATE, FIGHT FOR A REVOLUTIONARY LAWRENCE . . (Vortex, September 2-1*, 1970, p. 10, col. 2).
This is part of a nation wlde [sic] plot to exterminate the revolutionary movement across this nation (Sons of Malcolm, May 2, 1970, p. 2, col. 2).
Ruling class:
. . .[T]he university kept us from working & growing together by training us to be the ruling class (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 4, col. 1).
The following term applies generally to any female member of the underground, and specifically to any member of the Women’s Liberation movement.
Sister:
It is a matter of survival to the sisters involved (Vortex, September 15-29, 1970, p. 2, col. 1).
A middle-aged black sister, upon seeing the crowd flow beneath her window, leans out and, fist in air, shouts "Right on. All Power to the People" (The Collective, September 16--October 1, 1970, p. 8, col. 2).
The following term has two separate but related meanings ln the underground usage. In the first example, "straight" means "not gay," that is, not homosexual. In the second example, it means "not a member of the people." These meanings are related in two ways. First, they both indicate that the group referred to is not a deviant group. Secondly, the groups they refer to may be defined only in terms of their opposites.
Straight:
Gays and straights are welcome (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 2, col. 1).
During the curfew last spring, nearly 100 freaks and blacks were arrested for curfew violations while businessmen and straights roamed at will (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 10, col. 2).
The Man:
He [the Uncle Tom] takes this information back to the ‘man’ with full knowledge that this cowardly act could hurt the welfare of his people (Sons of Malcolm, May 16, 1970, p. 3, col. 3).
Again, blacks felt the brunt of the Man’s oppression (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 4, col. 1).
One of the chief instruments which the Man uses to sap the energy & times of peoples [sic] working for revolutionary change in the amerikan [sic] legal system (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 10, col. 2).
Tribe:
If our people fight one tribe at a time, all will be killed. They can cut off our fingers one by one, but if we join together, we will make a powerful fist (Vortex, September 16-29, 1970, pp. 10-11).
We use the term tribe because it suggests the type of new society now emerging within the industrial nations. In America of course the word has associations with the American Indians, which we like. This new subculture is in fact more similar to that ancient and successful tribe, the European Gypsies--a group without nation or territory which maintains its own values, its language and religion, no matter what country it may be ln.
. . . . . . .
The tribe proposes a totally different life style: based on community houses, villages and ashrams; tribe run farms or workshops or companies; large open families; pilgrimages and wanderings from center to center. A synthesis of Ghandian ‘village anarchism’ and I.W.W. syndicalism.
. . . . . . .
The Tribe proposes personal responsibilities rather than abstract centralized government, taxes and advertising-agency-plus-Mafia type international brainwashing corporations.
. . . . . . .
The tribe, it seems, is the newest development in the Great Subculture.
. . . . . . .
Men, women and children--all of whom together hope to follow the timeless path of love and wisdom, in affectionate company with the sky, winds, clouds, trees, waters, animals and grasses--this is the tribe (Snyder, pp. 2 and 5).
Weirdo: (syn. freak)
If we as weirdo’s, [sic] have to go pick weed, we should at least remember that the land we go traipsying off on belongs to somebody else, and respect that land (Westport Trucker, September, 1970, p. 3, col. 3).
Appendix 3
This section is concerned with an orthographic peculiarity in the underground press. In many words the symbol /c/ is replaced with a /k/. In some pronunciations an abnormal stress is placed on the syllable containing the /k/. This particular change seems to have an impact on the emotive value of the terms.
In the first three instances below the terms are modeled after, apparently, the German language and transmit impressions of Fascism.
The murder of Rick Dowdell is a natural consequence of relations between blacks & whites in Lawrence of Amerika (Vortex, September 2-14, l97O, p. 4, col. 2).
We strike out at the wrongs inherent in Amerikan capitalist society (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 4, col, 2).
[O]ne brother [was] fired upon then killed in East Lawrence for the initial Krime of running down an alley. . . (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970,
p. 4, col. 1).
The last two examples are modeled on the initials of the Ku Klux Klan and are, apparently, intended to imply an association between the terms and that organization.
[I]f you went home welcome back to the a..h... 0f the oKKKtopus. . . (Vortex, September 2-14, 1970, p. 4, col. 1).
Amerikkka, you ugly b--ch [sic], seat of imperialism, you’re a liar (Sons of Malcolm, May 16, 1970, p. 3, col. 1).